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Is War Imminent ? 



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by ^, Jci V7 




Reich Minister Di\ Goebbels 






All those who have studied the foreign war-mongering press and the many lies contained therein 
during the last few days and weeks, could easily have arrived at the conclusion that Europe was on the 
hrink of a new World War. And yet everyone knows that little or no material change has taken place 
in the international situation since the Fiihrer's speech in the Reichstag on January 30. Admittedly, 
the Fiihrer again categorically emphasized the German claim for a return of the colonies. But that 
by no means is a matter for general nervousness. That Germany demands the return of her own colonies 
is no doubt known to all. That these demands were once more officially upheld for all to hear in Germany 
and abroad, only confirms still more firmly the fact that the Reich is in no way prepared to waive these 
demands. This is only what every reasonable and fair-minded person would expect. That a radical 
change has meanwhile taken place in the Spanish conflict will also not come as a surprise to those 
acquainted with the circumstances. Sooner or later such a change had to come about. The Democracies, 
however, once again enjoy the doubtful pleasure of lagging behind these developments in the same 
way as they have lagged behind in all great poUtical developments in recent years. 

Why all this outcry and fuss ? What do the Democracies really want ? One is almost tempted to 
believe that their sporadic outcry is merely a camouflage for certain inferiority complexes. That is 
quite understandable; for during the last few years they always found themselves, so to speak, between 
the devil and the deep sea. They did not take Germany seriously when the Fuhrer assumed power 
on January 30, 1933. His peace proposals were ignored and they did not even think of discussing with 
him the fair and legitimate German demands for re-armament. 

Soon however these Democracies were witnesses to Germany's proclamation respecting her military 
sovereignty, the militarization of the Rhineland, the Anschluss and the solution of the Sudeten German 
problem. They continued to cry shame on us whilst these things were happening but they resigned 
themselves to everything when all was over. 

In regard to Italy, they mobilized the whole of the League of Nations with the object of preventing 
a solution of the Abyssianian question. But their only historic achievement was to make fools of 
themselves. In the Spanish question, they took up their position at the side of the Red Spanish usurpers, 
and now that they painfully realize that General Franco is smashing his way to victory, they are 
staging a ridiculous and degrading race with the object of acknowledging National Spain. 

One observes therefore that Western Democracies evidently lack the instinct necessary for correctly 
judging the international situation. The problems which had to be solved were never solved in con- 
junction with them; in many cases actually without their assistance and sometime even in opposition 
to them. The vital thing however is that that these problems were solved and they were solved, because-, 
the internal dynamics of the European situation demanded it. • / ^y J"£»C)~3- *" ,5" 3 

The Democracies could have had all this far cheaper especially iFthey had realized in time what 
it was all about, and if they had correctly assessed the authoritative nature of the totabtarian countries^ 
That however waiTby no means the c a aeTand todayif Seems~that the position harm no way changed. 
Now all of a sudden they raise all this talk of war. They declare that their respective countries must 
make great national sacrifices in order to bring their armaments up-to-date and thus be in a position 
no longer to tolerate these excesses of the dictator countries. 

That is logic which we do not understand. What does it mean? It appears that one is obviously 
resolved to smash these totalitarian countries the moment a suitable opportunity occurs, otherwise 
these vast armament programmes would lose their significance. In reality however it is a well known 
fact that we want nothing from the democracies. We have no quarrel at all with them. An ideological 
crusade of the totabtarian states against democracies is a story that belongs to the realm of fictionT - 1. 
Why of all things should we be thinking of forcing on other countries our national socialism or fascism, 
to whose spiritual and poUtical driving power both Italy and Germany owe so many great achievements. 



■ 



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Coast cities who are thus an easy prey for mass attacks. We learn also that Germany is opening a ma9B 
propaganda campaign among South African negroes; in the Johannesburg gold m ini n g district alone, 
400 Germans are being employed to foment trouble among the mine workers and incite them to resist 
British exploitation, and so on. 

In this intimate circle of international panic mongers it would be most unfair to exclude the well- 
known Madame Tabouis of the Paris "Oeuvre". She deserves special mention. It is a well-known fact 
that she has been blessed with a particular brand of imagination. Her only handicap is that she cannot 
find out what happens between the leading men in the totalitarian states. With the help of a specially 
constructed X-Ray apparatus, however, she does contrive to probe what is in their minds and can 
even tell, what they are thinking about. 

Having this advantage, therefore, she was able to report that 95 percent of the German Air Force 
was mobilized. Further, on February 10, the Reich had called up its recruits, on February 15, general 
mobilization would begin and on February 18, the 25-to-30 year-old classes would be called up. 

There is of course not a vestige of truth in all this chatter, as the real facts have shown. But it would 
not be out of place, however, to inflict exemplary punishment on such unscrupulous female scribblers, 
instead of merely officially reprimanding them. 

Madame Tabouis's assertion in an English paper that Italy was being increasingly dominated by 
Germany is really so clumsy and so stupid as to call for no further comment. When she writes that there 
is no doubt whatsoever that Germany is prepared to take action against Italy, then one can only say : 
"Nightingale I hear thee twittering". 

These examples of press reporting form only a very small and picturesque selection. They could be 
added to indefinitely. Nations are plunged into a chaotic state of unrest and nervousness for no other 
reason that irresponsible journaUsts must have something to write about. In addition, there are irres- 
ponsible statesmen who, by means of catchwords, contrive to divert public opinion in their own country 
from burning domestic problems to assumed dangers in the foreign political world. 

All this filthy verbosity comes from one particular source. We know who are the wire-pullers of 
this incitement. They are to be found in the circles of international Jewry, international freemasonry 
and international marxism. But as usual they lack the necessary fantasy for lying astutely. One spots 
their intention and then they get upset. They want to make us nervous but their bawling makes them 
nervous. 

Our Watchword 

There is therefore only one watchword for the Germans : look up to the Fiihrer and punish the lie9 
of our opponents with sovereign contempt. It is not the first time that this international ring of anti- 
German conspirators has attempted to harm Germany by poisoning public opinion. As long as Germany 
had no united and clear-sighted government it was possible to attain one's objective by such juggler- 
methods. The position today is different. The whole country is inspired with feelings of strong faith 
in its Fiihrer. It is firmly convinced that in a conflict of opinion he will defend vital German interests 
both inexorably and courageously. These vital interests are just as much a necessity for us as they 
are for others. 

The time has passed when nations were divided into "haves" and "have-nots". We are not disposed 
to remain in the latter category for ever. But we also want peace. 

When recently a noted Frenchman put the question to us whether it was not too late to pacify 
Europe, we can only reply : It is never too late for peace. But peace is only possible if established by 
facts and not by phraseology. 

And also it is not too late to marshal these facts. But this appears to be somewhat late in coming. 
Hence the Democracies would do well to take counsel among themselves and consider ways and means 
of solving satisfactorily the pressing political problems in Europe. In this way they would be rendering 
a great service, not only to Germany, but to their own nations as well. 

There is no doubt that people in all countries desire peace. Germany also wants peace. But in addition 
it requires something which other nations have long enjoyed. Security for its national existence and 
justice. 

"Volkischer Beobackter" 
25I2J39 



Printed by M. Miiller& Sohn K. G., Berlin SW68 







c 



*i3 



c 



c 



Is War Imminent? 

by 
Reich Minister Dr./Goebbels 



PRMPHLET 
COLLECTIONS 



All those who have studied the foreign war-mongering press and the many lies contained therein 
during the last few days and weeks, could easily have arrived at the conclusion that Europe was on the 
hrink of a new World War. And yet everyone knows that little or no material change has taken place 
in the international situation since the Fiihrer's speech in the Reichstag on January 30. Admittedly, 
the Fiihrer again categorically emphasized the German claim for a return of the colonies. But that 
by no means is a matter for general nervousness. That Germany demands the return of her own colonies 
is no doubt known to all. That these demands were once more officially upheld for all to hear in Germany 
and abroad, only confirms still more firmly the fact that the Reich is in no way prepared to waive these 
demands. This is only what every reasonable and fair-minded person would expect. That a radical 
change has meanwhile taken place in the Spanish conflict will also not come as a surprise to those 
acquainted with the circumstances. Sooner or later such a change had to come about. The Democracies, 
however, once again enjoy the doubtful pleasure of lagging behind these developments in the same 
way as they have lagged behind in all great pobtical developments in recent years. 

Why all this outcry and fuss ? What do the Democracies really want ? One is almost tempted to 
believe that their sporadic outcry is merely a camouflage for certain inferiority complexes. That is 
quite understandable; for during the last few years they always found themselves, so to speak, between 
the devil and the deep sea. They did not take Germany seriously when the Fiihrer assumed power 
on January 30, 1933. His peace proposals were ignored and they did not even think of discussing with 
him the fair and legitimate German demands for re-armament. 

Soon however these Democracies were witnesses to Germany's proclamation respecting her military 
sovereignty, the militarization of the Rhineland, the Anschluss and the solution of the Sudeten German 
problem. They continued to cry shame on us whilst these things were happening but they resigned 
themselves to everything when all was over. 

In regard to Italy, they mobilized the whole of the League of Nations with the object of preventing 
a solution of the Abyssianian question. But their only historic achievement was to make fools of 
themselves. In the Spanish question, they took up their position at the side of the Red Spanish usurpers, 
and now that they painfully realize that General Franco is smashing his way to victory, they are 
staging a ridiculous and degrading race with the object of acknowledging National Spain. 

One observes therefore that Western Democracies evidently lack the instinct necessary for correctly 
judging the international situation. The problems which had to be solved were never solved in con- 
junction with them; in many cases actually without their assistance and sometime even in opposition 
to them. The vital thing however is that that these problems tvere solved and they were solved, because 
the internal dynamics of the European situation demanded it. 

The Democracies could have had all this far cheaper especially if they had realized in time what 
it was all about, and if they had correctly assessed the authoritative nature of the totalitarian countries. 
That however was by no means the case, and today it seems that the position has in no way changed. 
Now all of a sudden they raise all this talk of war. They declare that their respective countries must 
make great national sacrifices in order to bring their armaments up-to-date and thus be in a position 
no longer to tolerate these excesses of the dictator countries. 

That is logic which we do not understand. What does it mean? It appears that one is obviously 
resolved to smash these totalitarian countries the moment a suitable opportunity occurs, otherwise 
these vast armament programmes would lose their significance. In reality however it is a well known 
fact that we want nothing from the democracies. We have no quarrel at all with them. An ideological 
crusade of the totalitarian states against democracies is a story that belongs to the realm of fiction. 
Why of all things should we be thinking of forcing on other countries our national socialism or fascism, 
to whose spiritual and political driving power both Italy and Germany owe so many great achievements. 



Coast cities who are thus an easy prey for mass attacks. We learn also that Germany is opening a mass 
propaganda campaign among South African negroes; in the Johannesburg gold mining district alone, 
400 Germans are being employed to foment trouble among the mine workers and incite them to resist 
British exploitation, and so on. 

In this intimate circle of international panic mongers it would be most unfair to exclude the well- 
known Madame Tabouis of the Paris "Oeuvre". She deserves special mention. It is a well-known fact 
that she has been blessed with a particular brand of imagination. Her only handicap is that she cannot 
find out what happens between the leading men in the totalitarian states. With the help of a specially 
constructed X-Ray apparatus, however, she does contrive to probe what is in their minds and can 
even tell, what they are thinking about. 

Having this advantage, therefore, she was able to report that 95 percent of the German Air Force 
was mobilized. Further, on February 10, the Reich had called up its recruits, on February 15, general 
mobilization would begin and on February 18, the 25-to-30 year-old classes would be called up. 

There is of course not a vestige of truth in all this chatter, as the real facts have shown. But it would 
not be out of place, however, to inflict exemplary punishment on such unscrupulous female scribblers, 
instead of merely officially reprimanding them. 

Madame Tabouis's assertion in an English paper that Italy was being increasingly dominated by 
Germany is really so clumsy and so stupid as to call for no further comment. When she writes that there 
is no doubt whatsoever that Germany is prepared to take action against Italy, then one can only say: 
"Nightingale I hear thee twittering". 

These examples of press reporting form only a very small and picturesque selection. They could be 
added to indefinitely. Nations are plunged into a chaotic state of unrest and nervousness for no other 
reason that irresponsible journalists must have something to write about. In addition, there are irres- 
ponsible statesmen who, by means of catchwords, contrive to divert public opinion in their own country 
from burning domestic problems to assumed dangers in the foreign political world. 

All this filthy verbosity comes from one particular source. We know who are the wire-pullers of 
this incitement. They are to be found in the circles of international Jewry, international freemasonry 
and international marxism. But as usual they lack the necessary fantasy for lying astutely. One spots 
their intention and then they get upset. They want to make us nervous but their bawling makes them 
nervous. 

Our Watchword 

There is therefore only one watchword for the Germans: look up to the Fuhrer and punish the lies 
of our opponents with sovereign contempt. It is not the first time that this international ring of anti- 
German conspirators has attempted to harm Germany by poisoning public opinion. As long as Germany 
had no united and clear-sighted government it was possible to attain one's objective by such juggler- 
methods. The position today is different. The wht le country is inspired with feelings of strong faith 
in its Fuhrer. It is firmly convinced that in a conflict of opinion he will defend vital German interests 
v both inexorably and courageously. These vital interests are just as much a necessity for us as they 

are for others. 

The time has passed when nations were divided into "haves" and "have-nots". We are not disposed 
to remain in the latter category for ever. But we also want peace. 

When recently a noted Frenchman put the question to us whether it was not too late to pacify 
Europe, we can only reply : It is never too late for peace. But peace is only possible if established by 
facts and not by phraseology. 

And also it is not too late to marshal these facts. But this appears to be somewhat late in coming. 
Hence the Democracies would do well to take counsel among themselves and consider ways and means 
of solving satisfactorily the pressing political problems in Europe. In this way they would be rendering 
a great service, not only to Germany, but to their own nations as well. 

There is no doubt that people in all countries desire peace. Germany also wants peace. But in addition 
it requires something which other nations have long enjoyed. Security for its national existence and 
justice. 

" Volkischer Beobachter" 
25/2/39 




I 




Printed by M. Muller& Sohn K. G., Berlin SW68 



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Afcandid Talk with Democracy 

by & 

Reich Minister Div poebbels 



(considerable unrest has arisen in Western democratic countries as the result of political 
events in Central Europe during the last twelve months. We are not cynical enough to pretend 
that these events have no meaning for us. But for us it would be much more agreeable if the 
Democracies were able at least to muster sufficient honesty and admit the real grounds for their 
annoyance instead of flinging about their everlasting talk of morality. That would undoubtedly 
create a clearer and a cleaner basis for international approach and understanding than appears 
to be the case today. 

In London and Paris they talk of God but what they actually have in mind is cotton. And 
whilst on the subject of Englishmen may we politely remark in passing that they are particularly \ 
adept and renowned in the art of camouflaging their political intentions. But that has now lost 
its effect on us. We admit, however, that in November 1918 we swallowed their bait. That sort 
of dodge can be worked once on us but never again ! We have had indeed to pay dearly for our 
credulity at the end of the War by a sorrowful period, from 1918 to 1933, of trial and tribulation. 
Our position, therefore, today is that of a burnt child which dreads the fire. Hence it is altogether 
useless for people in London and Paris to side-track the issue. It would undoubtedly be far more 
practicable and more helpful in increasing the value of discussions if London and Paris would 
once and for all eliminate from political debate such notions as humanity, civilization, international 
law and international confidence. Indeed we cannot help smiling when English papers in particular 
attempt, in all seriousness, to step in and make use of these notions in the argument which is _^> 

going on between the Democracies and the Totalita rian States,, Here all we can say, both politely ^ 

and emphatically, is: Do please excuse our chuckle! 

All that sort of thing may have had an effect on our bourgeois pre-War Germany which was \ 

well-known for the serious attention it paid to democratic phraseology. It even had its effect 
on the old fogies of the Weimar era and the humdrum parliamentarians of our post-War period. 
But for us Nationalist Socialists these arguments have lost their novelty and originality. All 
that we can admire is the glaring impertinence with which these arguments are thrown into the 
discussions. If during the course of centuries of Empire building and defence, Englishmen have 
gradually become thick-skinned, then all we can say to calm them is that we in this respect and /£■ ^q 
with due regard to recent experiences, have also no complaint. 

Therefore it would do a lot of good and prove to be ever so agreeable if we tried at least not 
to deceive one another. Surely we know each other. Therefore as honest men let us square-up 
and look each other straight in the eyes —not raising them in devotion —and endeavour at long 
last to call things by their right name. £ I "7 S~C 6 — "X ~~ S~ f 

WTiat was the object of the Versailles experiment? What actually was planned there for Central 
Europe? Germany had been crushed, disarmed and economically ruined. Foreign credits and 
the mercantile navy were taken away from her. Her colonial possessions were forcibly removed 
from her sphere of power. The attempt to bring about the Anschluss with Austria was branded 
as a plot designed to menace the peace and the security of Europe. That remarkable State called 

(coe»r) 



<? 



put up a clear and clean case when attempting to argue with us. We are particularly keen on 
argument as man to man. And if we are to speak the truth we cannot help stating quite plainly 
that all the talk of morality and humanity which has been flooding the English press in these 
last few days is gradually beginning to become nauseating to us. We do not recognize the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury as a Heaven-ordained personage for judging the righteousness of the new 
position in Central Europe; much less the authority of the eternal panic-mongers in the editorial 
offices of the London and Paris press. 

Our morality is to be found in the righteousness of our cause. Those who seek to suppress this 
right act immorally towards us, even although their actions be enveloped in incense accompanied 
by the mumbling of prayers. All that no longer impresses us. 

What we want to see in Europe is clarity and justice. It is on these that we are prepared to 
build peace. 

If peace is once permanently established then the political preachers of morality will have the 
right again to appear with their well-known scriptural quotations. 

Therefore in this controversy between the Democracies and the Totalitarian States, we make 
the following suggestion: A little more sense of justice and a little less talk of morality; more 
thought for the future of Europe and a little less thought for the maintenance of impossible 
political conditions which always harbour those elements likely to lead to a repetition of conflicts ; 
and finally, when speaking of God, then think of God, and when thinking of cotton, then say cotton. 

" Volkischer Beobachter" 
21/3J39 



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Printed by M. Miiller & Sohn K. G., Berlin S W 68 



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%ho Wants War ? 




by 

Joseph 

Reich Minister Dr/Goebbels 



At the present time certain circles in Western Europe are busy debating the prospects 
of a coming war as if that were the most matter-of-fact thing in the world. Here again 
we are face to face with a typical example of democracy. They discuss and debate that which 
they are really afraid of, and with a lot of fuss and noise they try to disassociate themselves 
from all knowledge of an impending danger for which however in reality they are really 
responsible. They do indeed remind us of the story of the little boy who, whilst walking 
timidly through a dark forest, kept on calling out in fear: "I am not afraid". 

In this way the democratic war mongers gradually create an atmosphere in Europe 
that might inevitably lead to serious consequences, were it not f or the fact that t he totali- 
tarian States, by means of re-armament, have taken steps to safeguard themselves from 
any democratic invasion. The war-scare which during the last few weeks has been induced 
in London, Paris and New York excels by far the prescribed limits of democracy. One result 
of this was demonstrated in the United States of America when, during the wireless broadcast 
of a harmless play, people were led to bebeve that they were being attacked by the inhabi- 
tants of Mars. That is the extent to which matters have been brought by those unscrupulous 
war mongers. Although the influence exerted by them everywhere very often takes on 
a childish form, yet there can be no doubt that same is of a harmful kind. 

Hence there is no need to hesitate calling the authors of these disturbing conditions by 
their right names so that when necessary, the nations will know to whom they have to 
turn and who are responsible for their misfortunes. • . ~.~7 ^{#0 ~ * 

Generally speaking, one can well understand why there is so much talk about war in 
democratic countries. This is nothing but the result of a bad conscience to which they are 
justly entitled. 

The Treaty of Versailles, forced on Germany in the summer of 1919, stands in the back- 
ground of all this frenzied fear of war. Its only function was to expel Germany from the 
comity of powerful pobtical countries and on all her frontiers establish conditions of political 
tension which, it was hoped, would maintain the Reich in a state of perpetual unrest. 
No treaty in the history of the world has ever been concluded which has been less entitled 



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They are the cuplrits ! If ever in a dark hour a new war should break out in Europe, then 

this cry— the Jews are the culprits shall resound throughout the world. They alone want 

war and they are doing everything in their power to set the nations against each other 
by mean of war. The Jews however are sure that they will not be the victims but the 
beneficiaries of such a war. That is why they have launched this universal and infernal 
campaign of incitement against Germany and Italy and demand a fighting front of demo- 
cracy against the totalitarian States. This therefore explains their childish efforts to separate 
Italy from Germany and to destroy the Berlin- Rome axis. Mussolini, in his recent speech 
to the Blackshirts in Rome gave the Jews an unambiguous reply in this respect. 

Today, all attempts by democracy to establish under English patronage an anti-Hitler 
movement have proved abortive. Democracy has no longer any luck with its political 
schemes ; meanwhile it has also aged a lot, which explains why their own people are gradually 
becoming acquainted with this morbid State and social structure and judging it accordingly. 

The ancient Romans possessed a principle in their jurisdiction to locate the guilty which 
bears eloquent testimony to their sound common sense. In case of doubt : Cui bono ? In 
other words: He is probably guilty who can derive profit by it. 

Acting on this principle in the event of a coming war, one arrives at only one conclusion 
viz.: the forces of internationalism are the only ones that will benefit. In this way Jews 
hope to regain their former key positions in Germany and Italy; freemasonry has similar 
ambitions, while the bolsheviks dream of a communist world revolution as the outcome 
of the next war. 

That is why we oppose these forces of internationalism with all our might. We also 
leave nothing undone to enlighten all nations regarding the terrible effects of these sub- 
versive forces. The totalitarian States desire merely the realization of their vital rights. 
That is what Germany wants and Italy as well. No decent Englishman or Frenchman will 
ever deny these two young nations their vital rights. The question thus arises : Why is not 
democracy doing anything tangible in the interests of appeasement and European peace ? 
It seems that democracy has resigned itself to fate. But if this lethargic condition should 
persist, it may so happen that its own people may take matters in their own hands. 

„Vdlkischer Beobaehter" 

1/4/39 



Printed by: M. Muller & Sohn K. G., Berlin SW 68 



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Who Wants War ? 

by 

/ 

Reidi Minister Dr^Goebbels 



At the present time certain circles in Western Europe are busy debating the prospects 
of a coming war as if that were the most matter-of-fact thing in the world. Here again 
we are face to face with a typical example of democracy. They discuss and debate that which 
they are really afraid of, and with a lot of fuss and noise they try to disassociate themselves 
from all knowledge of an impending danger for which however in reality they are really 
responsible. They do indeed remind us of the story of the little boy who, whilst walking 
timidly through a dark forest, kept on calling out in fear: "I am not afraid". 

In this way the democratic war mongers gradually create an atmosphere in Europe 
that might inevitably lead to serious consequences, were it not for the fact that the totali- 
tarian States, by means of re-armament, have taken steps to safeguard themselves from 
any democratic invasion. The war-scare which during the last few weeks has been induced 
in London, Paris and New York excels by far the prescribed limits of democracy. One result 
of this was demonstrated in the United States of America when, during the wireless broadcast 
of a harmless play, people were led to believe that they were being attacked by the inhabi- 
tants of Mars. That is the extent to which matters have been brought by those unscrupulous 
war mongers. Although the influence exerted by them everywhere very often takes on 
a childish form, yet there can be no doubt that same is of a harmful kind. 

Hence there is no need to hesitate calling the authors of these disturbing conditions by 
their right names so that when necessary, the nations will know to whom they have to 
turn and who are responsible for their misfortunes. 

Generally speaking, one can well understand why there is so much talk about war in 
democratic countries. This is nothing but the result of a bad conscience to which they are 
justly entitled. 

The Treaty of Versailles, forced on Germany in the summer of 1919, stands in the back- 
ground of all this frenzied fear of war. Its only function was to expel Germany from the 
comity of powerful poUtical countries and on all her frontiers establish conditions of political 
tension which, it was hoped, would maintain the Reich in a state of perpetual unrest. 
No treaty in the history of the world has ever been concluded which has been less entitled 

(ooer) 






They are the cuplrits ! If ever in a dark hour a new war should break out in Europe, then 
this cry — the Jews are the culprits — shall resound throughout the world. They alone want 
war and they are doing everything in their power to set the nations against each other 
by mean of war. The Jews however are sure that they will not be the victims but the 
beneficiaries of such a war. That is why they have launched this universal and infernal 
campaign of incitement against Germany and Italy and demand a fighting front of demo- 
cracy against the totalitarian States. This therefore explains their childish efforts to separate 
Italy from Germany and to destroy the Berlin- Rome axis. Mussolini, in his recent speech 
to the Blackshirts in Rome gave the Jews an unambiguous reply in this respect. 

Today, all attempts by democracy to establish under English patronage an anti-Hitler 
movement have proved abortive. Democracy has no longer any luck with its political 
schemes; meanwhile it has also aged a lot, which explains why their own people are gradually 
becoming acquainted with this morbid State and social structure and judging it accordingly. 

The ancient Romans possessed a principle in their jurisdiction to locate the guilty which 
bears eloquent testimony to their sound common sense. In case of doubt : Cui bono ? In 
other words: He is probably guilty who can derive profit by it. 

Acting on this principle in the event of a coming war, one arrives at only one conclusion 
viz.: the forces of internationalism are the only ones that will benefit. In this way Jews 
hope to regain their former key positions in Germany and Italy; freemasonry has similar 
ambitions, while the bolsheviks dream of a communist world revolution as the outcome 
of the next war. 

That is why we oppose these forces of internationalism with all our might. We also 
leave nothing undone to enlighten all nations regarding the terrible effects of these sub- 
versive forces. The totalitarian States desire merely the realization of their vital rights. 
That is what Germany wants and Italy as well. No decent Englishman or Frenchman will 
ever deny these two young nations their vital rights. The question thus arises : Why is not 
democracy doing anything tangible in the interests of appeasement and European peace ? 
It seems that democracy has resigned itself to fate. But if this lethargic condition should 
persist, it may so happen that its own people may take matters in their own hands. 

„Volkischer Beobachter" 

1/4/39 



Printed by: M. Mttller & Sohn K. G., Berlin SW 68 



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By ' / '7 

Reich Minister Dry Goebbels 




In a pamphlet-letter which you, Mr. Stephen King-Hall, have so kindly addressed to 
various residents in this country, you state — to use your own words — that you are desirous 
of reaching the German people. The fact that we take the trouble at all to reply to your 
stylistic effort must not, please, be construed to mean that we are overestimating your 
importance. Your action in taking upon yourself the right of commencing an argument 
with the German nation and distributing among all classes of the German people tokens of 
English "affection" ii/'the shape of anti-German propaganda leaflets — would have been 
ignored in this country if, as you say, you were merely doing so in a private capacity. But 
unfortunately for you and all the more fortunate for us, it so happens that quite by chance 
we have learnt that you are in the service of the British Foreign Office, — that your letters 
or pamphlets are written, printed and dispatched by order and with the benevolent and 
inspired help of Lord Halifax himself. In other words, these letters of yours possess an 
official character, a fact which gives this whole affair a totally different complexion. 

It does not mean that this childish and absurd schoolboy bit of propaganda need neces- 
sarily be regarded as less pronounced. On the contrary. The fact that such propaganda 
emanates from the Downing Street workshop is sufficient to stamp it as all the more crude 
and repugnant. 

But, as you say, you are desirous of addressing yourself to the German people and you 
hope to receive replies to all your letters. Well, we can at least be thankful for that. "Do 
not mince matters when replying", you say. This very friendly request no one with any 
feeling at all could withstand; therefore let us make a start: 

You commence your letter with "My dear German reader". It will be obvious to ah 1 that 
the recipient of your letter is a German. But whether he is a "dear" you will best be able 
to judge after reading this article. 

You write that you rsix a British naval officer and that you have served 21 years — from 
1906 to 1928— in the Royal Navy. That in itself is most important and decisive. You there- 



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Indeed you do us a great honour when you believe . . . "the German nation possesses an 
equally high percentage of intelligent men and women as other nations, if not perhaps even 
greater than certain other nations". You can certainly bank upon that, my dear sir! The 
Germans do certainly possess that much intelligence; not only do they possess it but in 
contrast to former times, they make use of it_ 

You ask us . . . "why we are averse to thinking matters over independently". Why don't 
you follow this line ? You advise us . . . "to discuss matters with our friends and show them 
this letter". That we cannot do; we need your letter for other and better purposes. We have 
stated our point of view, which is what you wanted. Acting on your suggestion, we have not 
minced matters and called a spade a spade. Let us hope that you now realize all the facts 
in regard to both sides of the question. 

And that now brings us to the crucial point. We have purposely been at pains to be 
somewhat detailed in our reply as it appeared necessary to thoroughly unmask your flow of 
phraseology. Let us hope that you will not lose interest in honouring us with further letters 
of yours. It is a treat to discuss matters with a beginner like yourself. In fact, we profit by it. 
By the way, if stupidity were painful, then your cries would resound throughout the British 
Empire. But apparently experience has made you immune. 

At any rate, let us tell you this. 

Your English propaganda tricks are absurd. There was a time when we National Socialists 
possessed no power, and yet we were able to overcome our political opponents at home. 
That trained us in the work of propaganda. From 1914 to 1918 you were dealing with a 
nation that was practically unprepared. The position today is different. We are now a poli- 
tically-minded nation and we know what is at stake. Tomfoolery such as that contained in 
your letter can no longer bamboozle us. You can tell those little tales to the marines, you 
honest old British Jack-tar. 



"Volkischer Beobachter" 

14J7J39 



Printed by M. Muller & Sohn K.G., Berlin SW 68 






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Mr G. J. Stanley 
P.O.Box 515 
Church Street Annex 
NEW YORK CITY 



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S>nO?EKiY OF 
(HE HBHArtY OF CON6RESS 




The Rich and their Morals 

Settling Accounts with British Presumption 

by / 

Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels 



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ixperience has taught us that the rich are more easily able to preach and practise morality 
than the poor; wealth is in many cases a protective barrier — whereas poverty is an incentive 
for committing an offence. 

A wealthy person, for example, will never dream of stealing bread. Bread is stolen only by those 
who are hungry and who have no money to buy it for themselves. When wealthy people are 
hungry they have a sufficient supply of bread at their disposal, not to mention a thousand other 
commodities that will satisfy their hunger. 

A rich man who is the possessor of a motor car will never allow himself to be tempted to travel 
in a tram car without a ticket. For, apart from the fact that it would be quite easy for him to 
buy such a tram ticket, he has a magnificent motor car waiting for him outside his equally 
magnificent villa ready to drive him in comfort wherever he may choose. 

The laws of familiar or social companionship have also to be more severe among the poor than 
among the rich. The poor are housed together in great numbers in the large tenement houses, 
whereas the rich reside in spacious and palatial villas containing a sufficient number of rooms to 
enable them to get away from one another's company and thereby removing the danger of be- 
coming a nuisance to each other. It follows, therefore, that in these large tenement houses if the 
residents are to live at peace with one another, radio sets are required to be switched off in the 
evenings at a certain hour. Otherwise the one or other neighbour is disturbed in his sleep, and 
sleep is ever so necessary for these people if they are to turn up punctual at their work next morning. 
In a large and palatial villa radio sets can be left on all night because the nearest neighbour lives 
30, 40 or even 100 yards away, and has no idea of what his neighbour is doing. 

We see, therefore, that the poor are thus compelled to live a more disciplined life than the rich ; 
otherwise it would be impossible for them to live peacefully and contentedly among themselves. 

Putting matters mildly, it is however a gross piece of impertinence when the rich reproach the 
poor telling them that laws are made for the poor, which necessarily must be kept by them, 
although these laws do not in any way apply to the wealthy classes. 

In regard to morality itself, — those people are usually the champions of morality who have led 
a hectic and fast life. It has long been popularly said that the worst kind of prostitute usually 



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grave imputation as a report which, despite the categorical denials, still left doubt on the question 
of authenticity. 

And all that is typically English, it always was and will no doubt continue to remain so in 
the future. Therefore they have no right whatsoever to attempt to impose their chaperonage on us. 

Why on earth should we allow them to lecture us with moral phraseology ? When political 
morality comes up for debate, then the English press would do well to withdraw and refrain 
from all discussion on this topic. 

A few weeks ago England commenced a wireless news service in German. They have certainly 
adapted themselves very astutely in this respect by creating an impression for love of truth 
coupled with a serious and w _ ell-nigh systematical objectivity. They do this in the belief that 
for a start they are firmly establishing for themselves a circle of listeners in Germany. This circle 
of listeners they hope to make use of if matters should ever become critical. English objectivity 
would then cease to be as evident as it is today. All the old and time-worn cock and bull atrocity 
tales, which served the purpose of inflaming the world against Germany during the War, would 
immediately be dished up again. 

Today, Englishmen are now taken by surprise that we on our part are also commencing with 
a wireless news service in English. Before long, they will start lodging complaints about us in 
this respect as they are unable to grasp that there should be another country in Europe in 
possession of and exercising the same rights as an Englishman. That is what puzzles them. 

All their trumpet blare last week about morality, when German troops marched into Bohemia 
and Moravia, was nothing less than a classical example of English mentality; but with one 
difference when compared with former days, — nowadays this blare seems to go wide of its mark. 

Today the whole of Europe is confronted by an amusing picture of England showing a some- 
what elderly virtuous dame resting on her Empire plush sofa, secure in the knowledge of her 
wealth, and allotting good-conduct marks. Europe, it must be remembered, has changed funda- 
mentally since the War. The poor nations are also the youngest nations. They want to live and 
will live. And no serious effort by the Archbishop of Canterbury will prevent them from doing 
so. The rich have been detected for what they are. No longer can they make use of moral phrases 
when denying the just claims of the "Have-Nots". The time has come for them to cast off all 
fooling. 

John Bull would do well, therefore, to unmask and let Europe see that behind the flood of 
phrases which England is using today to obscure universal public opinion, there stands an Empire 
built up by war and insurrection, by oppression, concentration camps, starvation and bloodshed. 

We Germans are quite prepared to accept teaching in morality but only by those who are 
qualified to do so. England certainly does not possess this qualification. W r hen discussion turns 
to political morality then it is the British Empire's place to remain silent. With a friendly wave 
of the hand, therefore, we pass on this one good advice to London: Don't shout so much, there 
are others listening besides yourselves; in fact the whole world is listening and laughing until the 
tears come, about that kind of morality which mumbles pious prayers but which has been 

disgraced by bloodshed. 

,, Viilkischer Beohachter" 
25 I 3 I 1939 

Druck: M. Miiller & Sobn K. G., Berlin SW 68 



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GAULEITER UND REICHSSTATTHALTER ALBERT FORSTER 



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AM SONNABEND, DEM 17. JANUAR 1942 
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DIE DEUTSCHE JUGEND 
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Reichsminister Dr. Goebbels 

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Reichsjugendfuhrer Axmann 




zur Eroffnung der 

Hitlerjugend-Filmstunden 
1942/43 




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Reichsminister Dr. Qoebbels sprach 
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zu den deutschen Qeistesschaffenden. 

Ich erlaube mir, Ihnen diese Rede 
wegen ihrer grundsatzlichen Bedeutung in einem 
Sonderdruck zu uberreichen. 

Heil Hitler! 




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Die politische 
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DR. JOSEPH GOEBBELS 

Rede vor der Tagung 
der Reichs- und Gauleiter 

AM 23. FEBRUAR 1944 IN MUNCHEN 



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Vom Wesen der Krise 

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Die Geschichte allcr historischen Epochen 
bietet kein Beispiel dafiir, dafl sich ein Krieg, 
ja dafl sich auch nur eine Schlacht ohne tiefen 
Einschnitt durch eine Krise abgespielt hatte. 
Sie gehort als wichtigster Faktor der Steigerung 
und Beschleunigung zum Drama auf der Buhne 
wie zum Drama im Leben der Menschen und 
Volker. Sie hat im Ablauf der Dinge die 
Funktion, die Harte der handelnden Personen 
an den Ereignissen zu erproben, um sie dann 
erst zu den Hohen des historischen Erfolges zu 
fuhren. Schlietfen sagt deshalb auch, dafl eine 
Schlacht ohne Krise keine Schlacht, sondern ein 
Gefecht sei. Die militarischen Leistungen gehen 
unsterblich in die Geschichte ein, die nicht nur 
unter einem ungeheuren Aufwicd an Menschen 
und Material, sondern auch an Belastungen, 
Sorgen und Gefahren vollbracht werden. Leichte 
Siege verblassen in ihrer Dauerwirkung; unver- 
ganglich aber ist der Ruhm der Staatsmanner, 
Feldherren und Soldalen, die auch unter manch- 



mal aussichtslos scheinenden Umstanden die 
Fahne ihres Glaubens hochhielten und die nie- 
mals, auch nicht im Ungluck, den Stern ihres 
kommenden Triumphes aus den Augen verloren. 
Was bewundern wir denn an den groflen politi- 
schen und soldatischen Erscheinungen in der 
Geschichte der Menschheit? Ist es nicht der 
zivile Mut und die moralische Standhaftigkeit, 
mit der sie sich dem oft drohenden Unheil ent- 
gegenwarfen und es dadurch auch am Ende be- 
zwangen? Hier und nicht in der oft tauschenden 
Analogie der Ereignisse ist die Geschichte eine 
Lehrmeisterin. 

Die zeitweiligen Riickschlage, die wir in der 
militarischen Entwicklung dieses Krieges erlebt 
haben, sind nur zum Teil als Krisen zu bezeich- 
nen, und zwar dann, wenn sie daseinsbedrohen- 
den Charakter annahmen. Das war im Winter 
194142 und im Winter 1942 43 der Fall. Damals 
standen wir vor Situationen, die nur unter 
Aufbietung hochster Willenskraft von Fuhrung 






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VonRaichsminijterDr. GoeboeU 



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Wichtigste Voraussetzung einer hohen Ftih- 
rungskunst im Frieden wie im Kriege ist di« 
Gabe, Tatsachen und Entwicklungen in der 
ihnen zukommenden Rangordnung zu sehen. 
Nicht nur Menschen, auch Ereignisse stellcn 
sich in einer bestimmten Reihenfolge auf und 
mussen danach auch gewertet werden. Ein Sieg 
von anfanglich kaum beachtlichen AusmaBen 
kann unter Umstanden kriegsentscheidend scin, 
ein solcher, der in ungeheuren Raumen und unter 
einem Rieseneinsatz von Truppen und Material 
errungen wird, verblaflt vielleicht schon bald 
darauf zu einem Ereignis von nur zeitlicher Be- 



j-..«._ .. . « 



Oder gar Niederlagen. Eg kommt bier Immer 
darauf an, ob Erfolg oder Sieg einerseits und 
Riickschlag oder Niederlage andererseits soviel 
iortwirkende Kraft besitzen, dafi sie das Gesicht 
des Gesamtkrieges grundlegend andern. Es war 
beispiejsweise von einer bistorischen Tragweite, 
daB England im Mai 1940 den europaischen 
Kontinent verlassen rauBte. Dadurch hat das 
Kriegsbild ein ganzlich neues Geprage erhalten. 
Die militarische Auseinandersetzung zwischen 
den Achsen- und den .Westmachten war in 
ihren elementaren Voraussetzungen zu unseren 
Gunsten entschieden. Die wichtigste Frage des 



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GERMANY AND PEACE 



A SOLDIER'S MESSAGE 



By J 

RUDOLF HESS 

Minister of the Reich 

and 

Deputy Leader 



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"As one who fought in the front line trenches to other front line 
soldiers throughout the world, as a leader of the German nation 
to the leaders of other nations, I ask: Must this thing be? With 
goodwill and cooperation cannot we save humanity from this?" 



Printed for Pri'vateCirculation 








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Rede des Herrn Reichsministers 
Rudolf Hefi 

anlafilich des VII. internationalen Strafien* 
Kongresses 

Addres by Reichsminister Hess 

to the VII th International Road Congress 



Discours prononce par M. Hess, 
Ministre du Reich 

au VI I e Congres international de la Route 



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